Shibir’s quiet groundwork pays off
Patience, discipline, and long-term planning turned the tide for Islami Chhatra Shibir, delivering a Ducsu triumph once considered a pipe dream for the student front of Jamaat-e-Islami.
Students and teachers believe Shibir's panel, Oikyaboddho Shikkharthi Jote, benefited from its role in the July uprising, the sympathy it garnered from repression by Chhatra League activists, and years of focused organising in female dormitories.
During the Awami League's tenure, Shibir had to stay away from public activities. It instead operated discreetly, embedding activists within various social and cultural organisations. With access to dormitories restricted, many members used rented houses around the campus as alternative operational bases.
Though the organisation was never officially banned, its leaders and activists were beaten and expelled from dormitories during the AL rule.
Following the July uprising, Shibir activists took the lead in forming hall-wise unofficial "disciplinary" or "reform" committees, a move that helped them gain influence over students across the campus.
The committees engaged with the residential students by offering personal assistance and taking initiatives such as installing water purifiers, setting up libraries in guestrooms and mosques, and introducing motorcycle and bicycle washing stations.
They also identified the students who were involved with the now-banned Chhatra League and forced them out of the dorms either by creating mobs or with the help of the authorities.
All these efforts culminated in Tuesday's breakthrough victory.
Historically, Shibir's presence at Dhaka University has been severely restricted.
After the mass uprising of 1990, various teachers' and students' organisations at DU reached a joint decision to prohibit political activities of both Shibir and Jatiya Chhatra Samaj, the student wing of Jatiya Party. As a result, Shibir's politics came to a halt on campus.
During the Awami League's 15-year rule, Shibir was denied any space to organise openly. Yet the July 2024 uprising revealed that its activists had quietly sustained operations -- by infiltrating Chhatra League and embedding themselves in various socio-cultural organisations.
Throughout those years, the group never publicly announced a Dhaka University committee, choosing instead to operate in the shadows.
The July uprising changed that.
On August 13 last year, Shibir joined a meeting at the TSC auditorium organised by the liaison committee of the Students Against Discrimination, attended by representatives from all major student organisations. However, four groups walked out in protest.
Later, Shibir joined all the meetings organised by the DU authorities with student bodies ahead of the Ducsu elections.
In October 2024, Shibir announced a 14-member Dhaka University committee, which went on to stage many campus events. Never in its 48-year history had the group conducted election-related activities so openly, freely, and with such energy.
Meanwhile, other frontliners of the July movement contested the Ducsu polls from separate panels -- splitting the vote and ultimately clearing the path for Shibir's victory.
The VP candidate of the Boishommo Birodhi Shikkharthi Sangsad panel bagged only 1,103 votes, and the GS candidate Abu Baker Mojumder got 2,131 votes.
Shibir's "inclusive panel" strategy -- featuring an indigenous community member and four female candidates (including one from another platform) -- helped the group overcome its longstanding barrier to securing female votes.
As a result, VP-elect Abu Shadik Kayem received 14,042 votes, including 5,224 from female dormitories, while GS-elect SM Farhad secured 10,794 votes, with 3,951 cast from female halls.
Sharing his observations, Farid Uddin Ahmed, professor of political science at DU, told this newspaper that since the July uprising, Shibir has been preparing for the Ducsu election in an organised manner.
"They carried out extensive campaigns in every hall, faculty, and student residence around the campus. Shibir's preparation for this Ducsu election had been nearly a year long. During this time, it succeeded in building a largely positive image among most students."
He said the organisation has covertly operated its activities on campus and established a strong presence in various halls, faculties, and nearby student hostels.
"Compared to other panels and organisations, their activists were seen as more skilled and effective in organisational capacity, networking, and execution."
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