Recognising Kosovo
It now appears from a UNB-Dhaka report carried by a daily on 02nd day of July 2008, Bangladesh has not yet been able to decide on matters pertaining to recognition of Kosovo. Despite persistent diplomatic efforts by US Ambassador James Moriarty and others, it also appears the move towards recognising Kosovo by Bangladesh is restricted by factors associated with “perceived national interest” - according to the foreign affairs adviser.
Kosovo, like Bangladesh, achieved its independence through, among other things, the horror of war, sacrifices, deaths and destructions - relative to time, space and other variables, though. The people of the two countries share inter alia certain common interest, values and expectations in an ever competitive, progressively re-integrating, increasingly resource-starved (in particular, usable resources) and continually uncertain universe. Decisions pertaining to recognition of Kosovo are not, at this point in time, an uncommon matter because a number of powerful and influential countries of the world have already accorded recognition to Kosovo.
Taking into cognisance above and other considerations, it is not clear - at the moment - to ordinary people of Bangladesh (I mean, to whom it might concern) as to how and to what extent the recognition of Kosovo by Bangladesh could affect the country's national interest. Is it the fact that the country does not want to create a strain in the existing relationship between Bangladesh and Russia - via according recognition to Kosovo - at a time when prospects for communist re-grouping are, in a sense, seemingly brightening? Is it the fact that the army-supported government is not presently in favour of taking a decision on the Kosovo matter due to, say, possible constitutional disabilities associated - either directly or otherwise - with it (I mean, the Kosovo matter) or due to geo-political factors and considerations - both existing and emerging - attached to decisions of above nature or both?
Is it the fact that Bangladesh has started directing its policies, programmes and efforts towards, for example, repositioning the country in emerging global power matrix in a more constructive and futuristic fashion? Is it true that the government prefers to leave the matter to the next parliament for decision? What will be the status of the country's comparative, competitive and other advantages and disadvantages - both existing and potential - if it recognises Kosovo at this point in time?
Those are among a few questions pertaining to Kosovo's recognition. It is expected the government, the media (print, electronic, others), civil society (those concerned), intellectuals - think tanks, and all others concerned will assist the people of Bangladesh in the effort towards taking and implementing - in an informed manner - the right decision at the right time and cost about Kosovo. It is also expected Ambassador Moriarty and all others will not hesitate to share, as required, their views and justifications concerning recognition of Kosovo with Bangladeshis in a more open, and clearer fashion. Let us now explore collectively and meaningfully the Kosovo case for a mutually beneficial decision - I mean, beneficial to, say, Bangladesh and Kosovo - in not too distant a future.
The last word: Bangladesh should not forget - it went through, immediately after the independence in 1971, situations and experiences that were same or similar - either in part or in full - to those of present-day Kosovo.
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