Since independence, Bangladeshi politics has been shaped by a narrow set of familiar narratives.

The point is that complex and diverse education services operate under a variety of legal provisions, and their requirements can hardly be met by a single umbrella law.

To be clear, corruption remains a global menace, and, as on previous occasions, no country has scored full marks. Over 67 percent of countries (or 122) scored below 50 percent in 2025, and 96 countries, or nearly 54 percent, scored below the global average.

After months of doubt and anxiety, the simple fact that Bangladesh is heading into a nationally competitive election at all is something worth acknowledging.

The late unveiling of manifestos by all major parties—whether by choice or due to poor planning—meant that the campaign largely devolved into a contest of personalities rather than a comparison of policies.

Bangladesh’s GDP in the fiscal year 2025 was $461.63 billion. If the country aims to reach a $1 trillion economy by FY2034, the economy would need to more than double over nine years.

This is not merely an election. It is a referendum on whether Bangladesh can govern itself without a strongman or a coup.

While the central government is supposed to frame policies, the local government bodies are tasked with implementing development programmes and delivering services to the people under their respective jurisdictions.

As Bangladesh approaches another parliamentary election, political rhetoric is intensifying, development pledges are being recycled, and candidates are once again courting voters with familiar promises.

For most of our lives, democracy existed as a concept we memorised rather than experienced.

Given the limited success of previous master plans in improving energy security and accelerating renewable energy, it is imperative for Bangladesh to design an inclusive policy formulation process.

The Trump administration, unlike the Biden administration, does not view foreign policy through a values-based lens.

“I will vote because I have to,” many women said across districts and age groups, often immediately followed by “but nothing will change.”

In late December, several houses of minority communities in Raozan and Rangunia upazilas of Chattogram were padlocked from outside and set on fire, forcing families to cut their way out to safety.

The proposed law aims to replace the University Grants Commission (UGC) with a new statutory regulatory body for overseeing universities and higher education governance in Bangladesh.

Unless education reform is placed centre stage, within a decade, Bangladesh will be locked in with a woefully undereducated workforce for years to come.

Perhaps the most striking, and largely unforeseen, consequence of the fall of the Hasina government has been the surge in support for Jamaat-e-Islami over the past 18 months.

But it also has a less discussed footprint: plastic flex, laminated posters, strings, tapes, and broken frames t

The interim government has entered a sensitive arena by approving a defence industrial zone in Chattogram’s Mirsarai.

Women’s cricket in Bangladesh has come too far to be pushed back by fear and silence.